ZitatOriginal geschrieben von HHFD
Hi
so schlecht finde ich das Eingreifen der Russen nicht. Endlich wird etwas gegen den IS getan. Die UNO und die NATO hatten jahrelang Zeit, und es ist nichts passiert.
Man gewann gar den Eindruck, daß die Destabilisierung der Region gewollt ist - im Sinne Israels.
...
HHFD
Bei dem Kampf um Kobane im speziellen und der Hilfe für die Kurden gegen die IS im allgemeinen hast Du wohl im Tiefschlaf gelegen, oder warum verbreitest Du hier gewollt falsche Behauptungen? Damals war Putins Kolonialtruppe abwesend.
Immerhin muß man Putin zugutehalten, daß er - im Gegensatz zu einem Großteil seiner Anhängerschar - kein Antisemit ist.
PS, vor drei Jahren:
http://www.zeit.de/politik/aus…12-06/syrien-putin-merkel
"Putin wehrt sich gegen Militäreinsatz in Syrien
Präsident Putin hat sich bei seinem Berlin-Besuch als Pazifist inszeniert. Gewalt sei keine Lösung – gleichwohl ist davon auszugehen, dass er Waffen nach Syrien liefert. ..."
Nunja,
PPS: gerne wird hier unterschlagen, daß Assad im Jahre 2011 jene Islamisten gezielt aus seinen Gefängnissen entließ - welche dann die Kerntruppe des IS bildeten - um die Oppostion zu Spalten:
http://www.theguardian.com/wor…why-isis-fight-syria-iraq
"... By the time another young jihadi, Abu Issa, was freed from Aleppo’s central prison in late 2011, the Trojan horse act that was Isis was well under way – fuelled by Turkey’s porous borders, the savagery of the Syrian regime, feckless attempts to organise opposition fighters into a cohesive force, and the release of militant prisoners like himself. A Syrian with historical links to the group’s earliest incarnation, al-Qaida in Iraq, Abu Issa was released along with dozens of men like him as part of an amnesty given by Assad to Islamist detainees, which was touted by the regime as a reconciliation with men who had long fought against them.
Most of the accused al-Qaida men had been in the infamous Syrian prison system for many years before the uprising against Assad began. “We were in the worst dungeons in Syria,” said Abu Issa, who was a member of the various forerunners of Isis, and fought against the US army in 2004 and 2005 before fleeing Baghdad in 2006. “If you were charged with our crimes, you were sent to Political Security prison, Saydnaya in Damascus or Air Force Intelligence in Aleppo. You could not even speak to the guards there. It was just brutality and fear.”
But several months before Abu Issa was released, he and a large group of other jihadis were moved from their isolation cells elsewhere in the country and flown to Aleppo’s main prison, where they enjoyed a more communal and comfortable life. “It was like a hotel,” he said. “We couldn’t believe it. There were cigarettes, blankets, anything you wanted. You could even get girls.” Soon the detainees were puzzled by another prison oddity, the arrival of university students who had been arrested in Aleppo for protesting against the Assad regime.
“They were kids with posters and they were being sent to prison with the jihadis,” he said. “One of them was a communist and he talked about his views to everyone. There was a guy from al-Qaida in the prison and he was usually very polite but he got angry with this guy. He said if he saw him again he would kill him.” Abu Issa and the other Islamist detainees soon formed the view that they had been moved to the Aleppo prison for a reason – to instil a harder ideological line into the university students, who back then were at the vanguard of the uprising in Syria’s largest city.
On the same day that Abu Issa and many of his friends were released, the Lebanese government, which is supported by Damascus, also freed more than 70 jihadis, many of whom had been convicted of terrorism offences and were serving lengthy terms. The release puzzled western officials in Beirut who had been monitoring the fates of many of the accused jihadis in Lebanon’s jails for more than four years. Some had been directly linked to a deadly jihadi uprising in the Nahr al-Bared Palestinian refugee camp in July 2007, which led to 190 Lebanese soldiers being killed in battle and much of the camp destroyed. The claim that the Syrian regime aided the rise of extremism to splinter the opposition and reaffirm its own narrative that the war was all about terrorism in the first place has been widely repeated throughout the past five years. It is a central grievance of the mainstream opposition in Syria’s north, which says it lost more than 1,500 of its men ousting Isis from Idlib and Aleppo in early 2014. At the same time as the opposition was fighting the jihadis, the Syrian regime, which did not intervene, was able to advance around the city for the first time in the war. “There was no other reason for Salafi jihadis to be in that jail, and for the students to be with us,” said Abu Issa, who now lives in exile in Turkey. “They wanted them to be radicalised. If this stayed as a street protest, it would have toppled [the regime] within months, and they knew it.”
Among the jihadis, there was initially no talk about why they were being freed, Abu Issa said. Just relief to have somehow made it out of a system that had swallowed other accused terrorists for decades. “Nobody wanted to acknowledge it, at first,” he said. “But in time everyone knew what was happening. There were some very important terrorists freed that day. They did what was expected of them and went straight to join the fight against the regime. That was the first moment when the war stopped being about civil rights. ...”
